Clan del Golfo


The Clan del Golfo, self-referred to as Autodefensas Gaitanistas de Colombia, and formerly called Los Urabeños and Clan Úsuga, is a Colombian drug cartel and right-wing neo-paramilitary group involved in the Colombian armed conflict. It is considered one of the most powerful criminal organizations in Colombia, having some 3,000 members in the inner circle of the organization in 2016. Their main source of income is drug trafficking. In late 2011 Los Urabeños declared war on Los Rastrojos over the control of the drug trade in Medellín. Los Urabeños is one of the organizations that appeared after the demobilization of the United Self-Defense Forces of Colombia.
One of the many groups made up of former mid-level paramilitary leaders, the Clan have caused homicide rates to skyrocket in Colombia’s northern departments. It is currently one of the more ambitious and ruthless of Colombia’s drug trafficking organizations. The group’s power base is in the Antioquia, Chocó and Córdoba departments, and they also have presence in La Guajira, Cesar, Santander and in major cities including Medellin and Bogotá.
By August 2019, the Clan del Golfo was reduced to having 1,500 armed members. In June 2020, the Colombian National Police revealed that former Los Rastrojos member Marlon Gregorio Celis Caballero, alias 'Loquillo or Felipe', had become the new leader of the Clan del Golfo by April 2020. At the time of this revelation, the Clan del Golfo reduced its drug trafficking route to the Caribbean region and also named a Ciénaga native with the alias "Diana" as the new head trafficker. However, the Clan del Golfo has also been distracted by a direct conflict with FARC dissidents.

Origins

"The Clan del Golfo" before named "Los Urabeños" from Urabá, the northwestern region near the Panamanian border highly prized by drug traffickers as it offers access to the Caribbean and Pacific coast, from the departments of Antioquia and Chocó. However, the origins of the group can be traced elsewhere, in Colombia’s Eastern Plains, where Daniel Rendón Herrera, better known as ‘Don Mario,’ once handled finances for the paramilitary group Bloque Centauros.
Cocaine traffickers had long competed with the FARC for territory and influence in the Eastern Plains. In 1997, top paramilitary commanders Carlos and Vicente Castaño began sending troops to the area in order to co-opt the drug business from the guerrillas. In 2001, the Castaños sold one of their armed groups, later known as Bloque Centauros, to another warlord, Miguel Arroyave, allegedly for US$7 million. It was Arroyave who convinced Rendón Herrera to come work for him. Under Rendón’s supervision, the Centauros became one of the wealthiest factions within the United Self-Defense Forces of Colombian. The Centauros trafficked cocaine, propped up local politicians, extorted ranchers and farmers, and collected security taxes for products ranging from alcohol to petroleum.
But the Centauros soon began clashing with a rival paramilitary group, the Peasant Self-Defense Forces of Casanare. The ACC is one of the oldest vigilante groups in Colombia, headed by Héctor Germán Buitrago Parada, alias ‘Martín Llanos.’ It was allegedly ACC fighters who first began calling the Centauros “those from Urabá,” “Paisas,” or “Urabeños,” all references to the Antioquia region where many of the paramilitaries hailed from.
By 2004, the fierce war between the ACC and the Centauros had left an estimated 3,000 people dead. Rendón fled the Eastern Plains in June after a falling out with Arroyave. Rendón then found refuge in the Urabá region, where his brother Freddy, alias ‘El Aleman,’ headed his own paramilitary group, the Bloque Elmer Cardenas. Shortly afterwards, Arroyave was ambushed and killed by his former allies, including Pedro Oliveiro Guerrero, alias ‘Cuchillo.’
When Freddy Rendón chose to demobilize in 2006, his brother ‘Don Mario’ seized the opportunity to expand his drug trafficking operations in the Urabá gulf. He recruited many of the fighters once under Freddy’s command, as well as ex-members from the defunct AUC. From Urabá, the DTO deployed go-fast boats loaded with cocaine to Central America or the Caribbean, with some estimates putting it at 10 to 20 boats per week. By 2008, Rendón Herrera was one of the richest and most-wanted traffickers in Colombia.
As the AUC blocs were officially demobilized, this new paramilitary groups called themselves Gaitanist Self-Defense Forces or Don Mario's Black Eagles in an attempt to legitimize their actions.
Rendón attempted to expand his empire, moving into southern Córdoba, the Lower Cauca region in northern Antioquia and even venturing into Medellin, long controlled by the feared Oficina de Envigado. Rendón’s men soon began clashing with the Paisas, then a rural, armed wing of the Oficina. Police blamed Rendón’s organization for at least 3,000 homicides between 2007 and 2009. On April 15, 2009, a team of 200 police commandos captured Rendón on a farm in rural Urabá.
Since Rendón’s capture, the remnants of his organization have fallen under control of the Usuga-David brothers, Juan de Dios and Dario Antonio, two former mid-ranking paramilitaries believed to have worked with Rendón since the 1990s. The two started out with an estimated 250 men following Rendón’s arrest, and have since managed to grow exponentially.
On January 1, 2011, Juan de Dios Usuga-David, alias "Giovany," was killed in a police raid on a ranch in Choco department. In a surprising display of strength, the Gulf's Clan organized a series of coordinated strikes protesting his deaths in northern Antioquia, handing out fliers which referred to the group's former name, the Gaitanista Self-Defense Forces. The Gulf's Clan also signalled their intention to respond aggressively to their leader's death when they publicly offered a $1,000 reward for each police officer killed in Antioquia, a public relations strategy best associated with kingpin Pablo Escobar. His brother Dario Antonio Úsuga David alias "Otoniel", afterwards succeeded him as head of the cartel.

Organization and structure

The Gulf's Clan rely on at least 1,200 members in their top level of command. Their base is near and around the Urabá gulf, including the Tierralta and Valencia municipalities in Cordoba and the eleven municipalities in the Urabá sub-region in Antioquia.
The top command deploys teams of trained, armed men to rural areas vital for drug-trafficking operations. These include zones with natural sea ports along the Caribbean coast, or areas where coca base must be bought, like Caucasia or Tarazá in Antioquia. These cells then attempt to recruit local informants, especially collaborators who can inform them of the actions of the security forces.
The Gulf's Clan are also known to contract local street gangs who help with retail and mid-level distribution of cocaine, extortion and select assassination. By “sponsoring” other low-level gangs, this group have been able to maintain small, select cells of highly disciplined men in the field, responsible for ever larger swathes of territory. There are also indications that the group has been successful enough in terms of recruitment to move into other key territories like Barrancabermeja, Santander, one of Colombia’s oil towns long prized by the Rastrojos.
When it comes to drug trafficking, the Gulf's Clan are similar to rival DTOS like the Rastrojos or the Paisas in that they are uninterested in controlling the entire chain of drug production. But they have not proved as adept as the Rastrojos when it comes to brokering key alliances with other major players in the drug trade. The Gulf's Clan will buy coca base from the FARC, but the two groups will not collaborate much further than that. What is helping the Clan compete so far is their military discipline: so far they have proved immune to the kind of infighting tearing apart the Paisas or the Oficina. The Gulf's Clan may yet prove themselves capable of expanding their operations beyond the Caribbean coast and northern Colombia, if they are not derailed by their war with the Rastrojos.
On September 1, 2017 the second-in-command of the Gulf Clan was killed. The three remaining leaders remained free. However, El Indio was later arrested on May 21, 2018, while Nicolás was arrested on August 6, 2018. In October 2018, it was reported that as a result of the death and arrests of these three senior leaders within a year of either each other, the Gulf's Clan saw a major reorganization in its leadership, with Giovanis Ávila Villadiego, alias “Chiquito Malo,” reportedly the main person in charge of maritime trafficking routes to the United States and Europe; Nelson Darío Hurtado Simanca, alias “Marihuano,” in command of the Central Urabá Bloc and some 700 men in the Caribbean sub-region; and other commanders of regional blocs.
In August 2019, the cartel's chief financier Carlos Mario Úsuga, also known as “Cuarentano.” He is a brother of Otenial and was reported to have taken over the cartel's financial operations following the arrest of their sister Nini Johana in December 2013. Two other brothers of Otoniel, Angel Eusebio and Fernando Umbeiro Úsuga, were arrested in 2018 as well. Cuarentano was also revealed to have been in charge of the cartel's trafficking routes and in fact oversaw Chiquito Malo's trafficking as well. It was also reported that rather than Chiquito Malo, fellow Cuarentano-employed trafficker Darío Úsuga Torres, alias “Pueblo," was named by Columbian police as Cuarentano's most likely successor. However, both Pueblo, who is an Úsuga family relative, and Ciquito Malo were high ranking on the declining list of potential successors to Cuarentano.
Between January and August 2019, Colombian police reported 339 captures and nine members killed in Public Force operations, in addition, the seizure of 12.6 tons of cocaine hydrochloride which, according to the authorities, leads to close the fence over the heir to a structure that spread throughout the country. Members of Clan del Golfo who served as liaisons with other Colombian drug cartels where among those arrested. The cartel was also estimated to have been reduced to having only 1,500 armed men. By August 2019, 16 members of the Úsuga family had also been arrested in less than a six year period. In December 2019, senior Clan del Gulfo drug trafficker and money launderer Joaquin Guillermo David-Usuga was extradited from Colombia to the U.S city of Houston, Texas.
In March 2020, Marihuano was revealed to be living in the Darian Jungle in cabins he personally built. His police record was also made public, which revealed that he had court documentation despite still being wanted. It was also suggested that his role in the cartel was exaggerated a little and that while he was heavily involved in the cartel, and serving as the cartel's No. 2, he was more of a regional leader in the Columbian areas of Riosucio, Juradó, Unguía and Acandí than an international trafficker, extending only as far as the Panama border, and is in fact the leader of close to 1,000 members of the cartel's Colombian armed forces. He is wanted for not only drug trafficking, but also numerous atrocities in the departments of Córdoba, Antioquia and Chocó and has a bounty of up to 580 million pesos for his capture. On April 25, 2020, cartel leader Gustavo Adolfo Álvarez Téllez, who was one of Colombia's most wanted drug lords and also had a bounty of up to 580 million pesos for his capture, was arrested at his lavish estate in Cereté while holding a party under quarantine during the COVID-19 pandemic. Álvarez was described as the "brain" of the cartel, and by this point was reported to have taken charge of the cartel's Caribbean operations.
On May 4, 2020, leader of the cartel's violent Jorge Iván Arboleda Garcés’ fraction Aureliano Pérez Caballero, alias Dávinson, was arraigned in court following his arrest the previous day. On May 27, 2020, the leader of the cartel's Carlos Vazquez fraction, identified as "Fabian," and seven of his associates were arrested. On May 29, 2020, the Carlos Vazquez fraction's weapons supplier Jhon Olmedo Ramirez, alias "Guajiro," was captured along with 9,000 rifle cartridges, a van, 10 suppliers of long-range weapons and 2 cell phones. On May 28, 2020, notorious Gulf Clan hitman Yelson Andres Mes Perez, alias "Yeisito," and also the woman arrested with him were jailed.
On June 8, 2020, three Gulf Clan members who were planning to kill civilians in Chocó were arrested. On June 12, 2020, Urabá police arrested alleged Clan del Golfo member Alexander Asprilla, alias “Perea.” Perea was suspected of being involved in selective killings in the municipalities of Bahía Solano, Nuquí, Juradó, as well as other townships and villages of the area. On June 13, 2020, it was revealed that 26 Clan del Golfo members were arrested in Santa Marta. Among those detained were local leaders thought to be responsible for a recent wave of violence. It was also revealed that 48 Clan del Golfo members, including 5 local leaders, had been detained in Santa Marta since the beginning of 2020.
On June 23, 2020, the Colombian National Police revealed in a national radio broadcast that shortly before the arrest of Téllez, former member of the rival Los Rastrojos criminal group Marlon Gregorio Celis Caballero, alias 'Loquillo or Felipe', was named "as the new leader of the Gulf Clan." An operative from Ciénaga with the alias "Diana" was also named as head of the cartel's financial operations, money laundering and drug trafficking operations. Under Loquillo's leadership, the Clan del Golfo concentrates its criminal actions on the Caribbean Trunk especially in Santa Marta and the surrounding municipalities of the Magdalena department, using new platforms for the shipment of large cocaine shipments, through of boats that dock near the municipalities of Magdalena, in Puebloviejo and Ciénaga. On June 26, 2020, it was revealed that the Clan del Golfo had started a direct conflict with FARC dissidents called Operation Mil and dispatched 1,000 of its paramilitarians from Urabá, southern Córdoba and Chocó to remove FARC dissents from northern Antioquia and control the entire municipality of Ituango.

Armed strikes

On January 5, 2012 the organization launched an armed strike in much of northern Colombia to protest the killing of their leader 'Giovanni'. The strike completely paralyzed several Colombian departments as shopkeepers and travellers were told to stay at home or face 'consequenses'.
In 2012 the Gulf's Clan also got into conflict with The Office of Envigado over the drug trade in Medellín.
In 2017 the Gulf's Clan begun a "pistol plan" against the police officers because one of their leaders was killed.