Chemwal people
The Chemwal people were a Kalenjin-speaking society that inhabited regions of western and north-western Kenya as well as the regions around Mount Elgon at various times through to the late 19th century. The Nandi word Sekker was used by Pokot elders to describe one section of a community that occupied the Elgeyo escarpment and whose territory stretched across the Uasin Gishu plateau. This section of the community appears to have neighbored the Karamojong who referred to them as Siger, a name that derived from the Karimojong word esigirait. The most notable element of Sekker culture appears to have been a dangling adornment of a single cowrie shell attached to the forelock of Sekker women, at least as of the late 1700s and early 1800s.
Etymology
Hollis noted that up till the mid-19th century, the Nandi referred to themselves as Chemwalindet or Chemwal while other Kalenjin speaking communities referred to the Nandi as Chemngal. However, Huntingford stated that his subsequent understanding was that the Nandi were known as Chemwal and that their country was known as Chemngal. Huntingford noted that as that that time, the Nandi were still referred to as Chemwel by the 'Suk' and as il-Tengwal by the Maasai.Following his Juba expedition, MacDonald noted of the 'Senguer' who previously 'dwelt on the Guash Ngishu plateau' stating that 'As "l" and "r" are interchangeable, "Senguer" of the Juba expedition is evidently the same word as "Jangwel", a term which Mr. C. Hobley found was applied by the Nandi to designate their tribe".
Territory & neighbors
At its largest extent, Chemngal covered the northern parts of Uasin Gishu, as well as parts of Elgeyo-Marakwet, Trans Nzoia and a southern section of West Pokot;Chok
Pokot traditions recorded by Beech point to a close association between the Sekker and the Chok community who occupied the Elgeyo escarpment that runs along the edge of the Uasin Gishu plateau. It is presently unclear whether the term Chemwal applied to both communities. He notes that the elders of Pokot at the turn of the 19th century averred that;Economy
Pastoralism
The Siger of Turkana tradition herded a distinctive type of long-horned black cattle that Lamphear postulates was the Sanga breed.Way of life
- social groupings similar in concept to clans seem to have played a role in the social organisation of the Chemwal. One of these 'clans' was known as the Kacepkai. This clan was displaced during the Turkana invasion of Moru Assiger and were said to have become the diviners of a number of different peoples in the Mt. Elgon region.History
Towards the end of the 18th century, a drought captured in folklore as the Aoyate - the long dry time, struck. It appears that the factors that resulted in famine combined to decimate Sengwer identity.1836 societal collapse
According to Turkana traditions recorded by Lamphear, the Chemwal identity was annihilated by a variety of factors related to the Aoyate drought. This famine seems analogous to one referred to by Krapf when he makes mention of a 'great famine of 1836'. He notes that Turkana traditions state that,Karamojong - Chemwal conflict
Lamphear's account of the conflict between the Turkana and Siger bear close similarity to Wilson's account of conflict between the Turkana and Maliri community. According to traditions recorded by Wilson, the Jie advanced eastward and entered the present Karimoja territory at Adilang, an area that was at this time occupied by the Maliri. The nature of contact seems to have been hostile for the Maliri retreated eastwards toward the region of Koten Mountain where they stayed for a while. This state of affairs did not hold for long, for the people from the hill of Turkan, now calling themselves Turkana, broke away from the Jie at Kotido and started advancing eastward. This brought extreme pressure to bear on the Maliri at Koten, causing this group to break in two.One group of Maliri, still known as such to the Karamojong but as Merille elsewhere, moved further eastward settling on the east of the Turkana escarpment. The other group, calling themselves Pokotozek moved south and arrived at Nakiloro, which lies on the Turkana escarpment just north of the Moroto mountain, where they stayed for a short while before moving further south, proceeding down the eastern side of the Chemorongit and Cherangani mountains before finally branching off in the direction of Lake Baringo.
Both these traditions also bear similarity to a narrative that Emley recorded regarding Turkana expansion. He states that.
In a later section he states "the Nithir, whose name is derived from ithiger, are so called on account of their love for decoration. The Nithir adakari in Turkana lies north of Nibelai adakari. The Nibelai name is said to derive from tobil and ebelai, and that they were so named on account of the fact that they forged their way ahead, returning time and again with broken fighting sticks.
South I: Chemwal - Pokot interaction
Lamphear's account appears to indicate some form of interaction with the Pokot, leading to the rise of the Kacepkai diviners. His account implies pressure but does not seem to suggest a conflict. His account are congruent with Pokot traditions recorded by Beech give an overall image of a community he refers to as pastoral Suk who appear to have assimilated a community, or at least part of a community known as Chok that previously occupied the Elgeyo escarpment.South II: Chemwal - Siger assimilation
According to Maasai tradition, the Uasin Gishu front conquered a group of people who occupied the Uasin Gishu plateau, this community is remembered as Senguer. Other Maasai traditions concur with this assertion, noting that the Loosekelai were attacked by an alliance of the Uasin Gishu and Siria communities.In further concurrence with Maasai traditions, are macro-Kalenjin traditions such as the popular narrative of origin recorded by Chesaina. In it is stated that the Kipsigis, Nandi and Tugen split following a series of misfortunes, notably drought and attacks by the Uasin Gishu Maasai. The Tapkendi tale has also been widely quoted to illustrate past occupation of the Uasin Gishu plateau by the Nandi, specifically, the introduction which reads "At a time when the Masai occupied some of the Nandi grazing grounds". It is presumed that this was the Uasin Gishu plateau and that Nandi place names on the plateau were superseded by Maasai names. This is evinced by certain "Masai place-names in eastern Nandi which indicate that the Masai had temporary possession of strip of Nandi roughly five miles wide", these include Ndalat, Lolkeringeti, Nduele and Ol-lesos, which were by the early nineteenth century in use by the Nandi as koret names.
However, micro-Kalenjin traditions would appear to turn this narrative on its head. They concur on key points, notably an incoming population and an enfeebled population holding out in what were then dense forests around the plateau. The key difference is that the Kalenjin communities as seen as the incomers.
Kipsigis traditions such as those recorded by Orchadson, state that at a time when the Kipsigis and Nandi were a united identity, they moved southwards through country occupied by 'Masai'. Orchadson notes that this was "probably the present Uasin Gishu country". Here, they accidentally got split in two by a wedge of Masai who Orchadson records as being "Uasin Gishu living in Kipchoriat valley". Accounts from Hollis however refer to a "branch called 'L-osigella or Segelli took refuge in the Nyando valley but were wiped out by the Nandi and Lumbwa...It was from them that the Nandi obtained their system of rule by medicine-men.
The totality of both narratives are however in congruence with the large scale movement of pastoralists from the plains into the forested areas, assimilation of forest-dwelling communities and wide-spread identity shift. A widespread trend across the region as the mutai of the 1830s dragged on.
Nandi identity
By the middle of the 19th century the Nandi eponym was in common use, thus the age-sets of the late 19th century would have identified as Nandi.| Ipinda | Nickname | Years active | Notes |
| Chumo | - | 1870 - 1877 | were between 50 and 60 in 1905 |
| Sawe | - | 1877 - 1885 | were between 42 and 52 in 1905 |
| Kipkoiimet | - | 1885 -1892 | were between 34 and 44 in 1905 |
| Kaplelach | - | 1892 -1900 | were between 26 and 36 in 1905 |